Somalian Peace Process challenged!

On October 11, 2004, more than seven months ago, the Somali lawmakers elected MR. Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed as president and then approved the nomination of Mr. Ali Mohamed Ghedi as prime minister, respectively, to lead the National Transitional Government of Somalia. The new government, amongst other things, was charged with the responsibility of ensuring the painstaking implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, completed after two years of negotiations between representatives from all Somali clans. In these new developments, as constitutionally problematic as they were, our nation seemed prepared to begin anew, to move from the assigned distinguished status of a “failed state” to a new era of statehood. All Somalis were prepared to forget that in the days prior to Mr. Abdullahi’s election as president.

Not only that, Somalian people were also prepared to blind themselves to the fact that the election of Mr. Abdullahi was extra constitutional and illegal, since the documents that facilitated this event were, both directly and indirectly, managed by Somali’s historical enemy (Ethiopia). The Somali people accepted, keeping in mind, that in the interest of peace and the restoration of stability to the Somali nation, they would give up the concerns they had for the way in which the new government was structured and about the persons who would consist of it, hoping, perhaps even against hope, that the new leadership would demonstrate that although they did not have a mandate from the people, they were deserving of their trust, the same as if they had gotten a constitutional or legal mandate from them. Somalis hoped that the new government would address those issues rather than focus only on bringing in Ethiopian forces in the country and thus returning the country to face the same problems that led to the war; that the new government would not assume that an elected government would have the motivation to address those problems. Seven months later, I have become deeply concerned that we may be losing the opportunity of lifting our country from the ashes of war and destruction to one of peace, stability, prosperity, and democratic restoration, and that we may again be on a course of inflamed dissatisfaction that could hurt our chances for a nation and people at peace with themselves.

Due to the government’s unlimited time in attempts to bring in Ethiopian forces (forces known of dividing our people, creating wars within us, and colonizing millions of our brothers and sisters in Ogaden region) in Somalia as peacekeeper, it has left all the important issues untouched. Because of that, the government is still unable to demonstrate a serious commitment to the peace process; that it has failed to articulate a clear vision for putting into place or supporting the institutions, systems and reform measures critical to a smooth transition and vital to a peaceful and stable Somalia. Further more, the government has failed to show that it has the capacity, the resolve and the competence to design and execute a truly functional good governance program; that it has failed to impress upon the Somali people and the world community at large that it is familiar with the art of governmental functionalism; that it has been unable to identify and pursue those critical immediate national priorities so commonly associated with a nation emerging from a violent conflict such as ours; that it has not manifested a commitment to uphold and stick to the rule of law or the agreements reached during the peace talks, which was not to use the neighboring states’ forces in Somalia as peace keepers. Instead, the government placed all its resources to please Meles Zanawi, by promising him that his forces will be allowed to operate in Somalia lawfully, expecting that Meles would help them in return. However, what this government doesn’t understand is that Meles is the sole arbiter of Horn of Africa region and for that he will never allow any competitive government that will challenge him tomorrow. Thus, his ambition is only to make Somalia even weaker, let alone help them succeed.

Actually, we know, as well as does the Government, that it does not have a mandate from the Somali people it was neither elected by them nor formed through a democratic constitutional elective process; its officials were not appointed on the basis of merit or competence, and most of them are not acquainted with the concept of governmental functionalism, of how a government operates, or of the principles and practices of good governance; many of its officials are of questionable integrity and honesty, and they command only contempt, rather than respect, from the Somali people and the world community; many of those officials have looming over their heads accusations of murder and other acts that rise to the level of serious crimes and breaches against humanity.

Finally, the Government needs to demonstrate that it has the resolve to correct not only the ills it inherited from the past, but also the ongoing ills which have characterized its reign, whether imposed on it directly or indirectly by the Peace Agreement or brought upon it by its own actions or inaction; it must not only show that it is fully committed to the peace process, but it must also articulate a plan that redirects its priorities from looking for Ethiopian forces to emphasizing the health, sanitation, education, electricity, agricultural and like priority needs of our people; it must show that it has a plan to reconstruct of our judicial, justice and public service systems for the betterment of our people. If it is blinded to having Ethiopian forces, then we, the Somali people, have duty to speak out and to demand change. Anyway, due to what Ethiopians are doing to Somalis in Ogaden region, we are foolish to expect any good from them, aren’t we both Somalis? We must speak out when there is a need to, and now is the time to do so to save our peace process, which is the only hope we have.

Strong supporter of Greater Somalia

By Abdullahi Khalif-Gariile
USA
Shabeele15@hotmail.com