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Somalia's Leadership: substance or rhetoric? |
By Sadia Ali Aden
March 03, 2008
Freelancer
These are serious times with serious
challenges that require serious leadership
capable of envisioning free and united
Somalia based on peace, justice and
equality. Devoid of that, the current
bloodshed will only continue and the
humanitarian crisis will worsen.
Despite the disillusionment with the process
that produced the current Transitional
Federal Government (TFG) October of 2004 in
Kenya, war-fatigued Somalis, those in the
homeland and the Diaspora alike were willing
to give the benefit of the doubt to a
government formed neither by its vision nor
capacity to deliver, but by the clan one
belongs to or by the brutal reputation or
the deadly arsenal one possesses.
It did not take long for the TFG to
demonstrate its incompetence. It failed to
articulate a new vision and grew more
dependent on Meles Zenawi's regime
(Ethiopia). Furthermore, it adopted an
ill-advised mantra of threat and
polarization and failed to set a foot in
Mogadishu due to the instability created by
the same warlords that the TFG was made of.
It would take them over two years and for
tens of thousands of Ethiopian troops, tanks
and fighter jets, and US AC-130 gunship to
oust the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) and
shield TFG right into their barricades of
apathy and corruption.
The invasion that brought TFG into Mogadishu
abruptly ended six months of peace enjoyed
by the people of Mogadishu under the ICU and
it ushered in an occupation force with
relentless brutality and no exit plan.
ICU came to the forefront of the Somali
politics as part of a grass-roots movement
spearheaded by the people of Mogadishu who
were eager to get rid of the warlords and
have found in the courts interest to advance
the common good and willingness to stand up
against the warlords. And get rid of the
warlords, they did. But, to the utter dismay
of civilians sighing relief, a number of
these fleeing warlords were granted safe
haven by the TFG and later were appointed to
critical positions. A case in point is the
appointment of two of the most brutal
warlords, Mohamed Dheere and Abdi Qeybdiid,
to the security of Mogadishu upon TFG's
arrival in Mogadishu.
Despite their lack of good public relations
and a holistic view of world politics, for
the six months that they governed Mogadishu,
the ICU has afforded Somalis, particularly
those in Mogadishu, a sense of hope,
empowerment, and national pride that
mobilized the locals to organize volunteer
services to clean the city's mountainous
garbage and debris of the devastation. More
importantly, after a decade and half of
lawlessness, they established safe route for
the delivery of food aid and ensured
equitable distribution, and they established
law and order to the point that Somali women
of Mogadishu could leave their homes without
the fear of being raped or robbed.
Having done what they have in such a short
time and in the spirit of giving peace a
chance, one would assume that ICU would earn
the support of the international community.
Unfortunately, the fear of "terror" and
"terrorism" by the West overshadowed
Somalia's chance to clime out of the
hellhole dug and ignited by the warlords and
their militias.
The ICU method that defied all logic and
proved wrong the prediction of many analysts
could've been the blueprint for the recovery
of Somalia- nationwide. The ordinary
people's victory over the CIA-backed
warlords showed all the vital signs that
could eventually save Somalia. Somalis, at
least while it lasted, were awaken of their
deep slumber and were willing to reclaim
their national dignity and rights.
In 2006 drought and flood suffered by
different regions, ordinary Somalis (in
Somalia and in the Diaspora) have responded
with commendable unity to aid those faced
with a natural catastrophe. I was
particularly touched by the courage, unity,
and the love demonstrated by the people of
Mogadishu, who, despite tremendous pressure
from the warlords, have united to save their
brethren.
Now the current situation; Somalia is under
a ruthless occupation that killed 7000
civilians in its first year, created
approximately 1 million IDPs (Internally
Displaced Persons), and pushed 1.5 million
people on the verge of utter starvation thus
creating what is officially recognized as
"the worst humanitarian crisis in Africa."
On February 14, 2008, the UN Office for the
Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
reported that "there are up to 2 million
vulnerable people in need of assistance in
the country. In the capital Mogadishu, the
number of people escaping the city to the
poorest areas of the Horn of Africa nation
has doubled to 700,000 in the last six
months". The following day, on February 15th
the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF)
was urging the international community to
step-up their support as in the coming
months about 90,000 children in war-ravaged
Somalia were facing the threat of
annihilation by malnutrition resulting from
lack of food, supplementary nutrition, and
therapeutic feeding.
A few weeks ago the new Transitional Prime
Minister, Nur Hassan Hussein (Adde) has
formed his government which clearly is a
much leaner cabinet of ministers than those
formed by his predecessors. To his credit,
his cabinet is also free of warlords though
many still dispute this as the most powerful
positions in the TFG, all so-called defense
and security oriented positions, are held by
infamous warlords. Also to his credit, the
Prime Minister has changed the provocative
rhetoric of his predecessor and, by and
large, has adopted a language of
reconciliation.
Now that the Prime Minister has proven that
he can "talk the talk", the million dollar
question is, would he prove that he can
"walk the walk". After all, good leadership
is not appreciated by empty words that one
employs to lull the masses but by the
positive initiatives they take and actions
they implement. And no initiative or action
is nobler than to say "No" to the Ethiopian
occupation.
Sadia Ali Aden is a peace activist and a
writer whose work has appeared in various
publications |
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